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pdfSurvey of Living Conditions in the Arctic
(SLiCA)
Jack Kruse, Birger Poppel, Larissa Abryutina, Gerard Duhaime,
Stephanie Martin, Mariekathrine Poppel, Margaret Kruse,
Ed Ward, Patricia Cochran and Virgene Hanna
Abstract Major findings of the Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic (SLiCA) are: (1) A combination of traditional activities and cash employment is the prevailing lifestyle of Arctic indigenous peoples; (2) family
ties, social support of each other, and traditional activities have a lot to do
with why indigenous people choose to remain in Arctic communities; (3)
well-being is closely related to job opportunities, locally available fish and
game, and a sense of local control. Well-being and depression (and related
problems like suicide) are flip sides of the same coin. Improving well-being
may reduce social problems; and, (4) health conditions vary widely in the
Arctic: three-in-four Greenlandic Inuit self-rate their health as at least very
good compared with one-in-two Canadian and Alaska Inuit and one-in-five
Chukotka indigenous people. Findings are based on 7,200 interviews in a
probability sample of I˜nupiat settlement regions of Alaska, the four Inuit
settlement regions of Canada, all of Greenland, and the Anadyrskij, Anadyr,
Shmidtovs, Beringovskij, Chukotskij, Iujl’tinskij, Bilibinskij, Chaunskij,
Providenskij, Uel’Kal’ districts of Chukotka. Indigenous people and researchers from Greenland, Russia, Canada, the United States, Denmark,
Norway, Sweden, and Finland collaborated on all phases of the study.
Keywords Living conditions · arctic · inuit · SLICA · indigenous peoples
Motivation for the Study
The initiative for the Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic (SLiCA)
came from the Greenland Home Rule Government. In 1994, Statistics
J. Kruse
Institute of Social & Economic Research, University of Alaska Anchorage,
117 N Leverett Rd, Leverett, MA 01054, USA
e-mail: afjak@uaa.alaska.edu
V. Møller et al. (eds.), Barometers of Quality of Life Around the Globe,
C Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2008
107
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J. Kruse et al.
Greenland (SG) conducted a survey of living conditions in Greenland, partly
based on what has been described as the Scandinavian model (Erikson
and Uusitalo, 1987). Analysis of the data caused researchers in Greenland to
re-examine their theoretical assumptions. They decided that the dimensions
and indicators of living conditions had to be context-specific so that the concept of well-being reflects the life of the respondents and their priorities
(Andersen and Poppel, 2002). Thus it was crucial to the research effort that
representatives of the respondents, the indigenous peoples, were included as
partners in the process. The preliminary discussions with representatives of
the respondents indicated that the role of household production in Arctic regions, the strong ties of Arctic people to the environment, and the continuing
role of extended informal social relationships were among the dimensions
that had to be included in a future living conditions survey. They decided
that a multidisciplinary team was needed to assess living conditions—and
that it was more important to examine differences in living conditions among
peoples with similar cultures and environmental circumstances than to compare living conditions of northern indigenous peoples and southern majority
cultures.
By 1997, Birger Poppel (the then chief statistician, SG) and Thomas
Andersen (international project coordinator, SG) had consulted with researchers, research institutions, indigenous organizations, and governments
in Canada, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Russia, and the United States about
the idea of an international comparative study of living conditions in the
Arctic. In 1998 the Inuit Circumpolar Conference (ICC) passed Resolution
29 (Section I) in support of the study: “Rapid social change characterizes all
indigenous peoples of the Arctic. There is a need to document and compare
the present state of living conditions and development among the indigenous
peoples of the Arctic.” In October 2000, the Arctic Council (a ministerial
level international body) formally named the project as a part of its Sustainable Development initiative.
Study Design
SLiCA’s conceptual design is described in detail elsewhere (Andersen et al
2002; Andersen and Poppel, 2002). Briefly, our approach is based on previous studies on living conditions, social indicator development and quality
of life (Bauer, 1966; Sheldon and Moore, 1968; US Department of Health,
Education, and Welfare, 1969; Campbell et al., 1972; Campbell et al., 1976;
Andrews et al., 1976; and Allardt, 1975). For a recent review of the state
of the art of this field, see Sirgy et al (2006). Although previous research
Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic
109
has shown that commonly applied economic indices such as income and
unemployment explain most, but not all, of the variation in a broader array of quantitative statistics (Diener and Suh, 1997:192), these indicators do
not offer strong explanations of Arctic peoples’ choice to continue living in
their communities. As a first step in resolving this inconsistency, the SLiCA
definition of living conditions, focusing on resources, is broadened to embrace the full scope of economic production in the North; that is, including
the role of household production in Arctic regions and the mixed cash-local
harvest economy (Usher et al 2003), Dahl (2000), Wenzel (2000). SLiCA’s
approach was further expanded to incorporate other dimensions of living
conditions that have been previously identified as important in the Arctic.
These include: family relationships and spirituality (McNabb, 1991); social
adjustment and social support (Larsen, 1996); and ethnic identity (Sprott,
1994). Finally, Diener and Suh’s review on the relationship between economic indices, living condition measures, and subjective well-being concludes that these measures do not always agree: including both objective
and subjective measures provides an opportunity for greater understanding
of living conditions (1997:213). Therefore SLiCA’s measurement of living
conditions includes both subjective and objective measures.
Questionnaire development took place between 1998 and 2001 in eleven
workshops and field pretests in each country. This work involved indigenous people and researchers from eight countries and five social science
disciplines. Indigenous steering committees approved the final questionnaire
design. The entire process of questionnaire development is documented on
the project website1 .
Sample Summary
The SLiCA target population is defined in three elements: (1) indigenous
individuals aged 16 (or 152 ) and over; (2) residing in households; (3) in a
traditional settlement region. Although the original intent of SLiCA was
to include Arctic Saami settlement regions in Norway, Sweden, Finland,
and the Kola Peninsula of Russia, funding difficulties precluded completion of fieldwork in these regions. For the present, settlement regions are
defined as shown in Fig. 1 and as follows: Alaska (North Slope, Northwest Arctic, Bering Straits census areas); Canada (Inuvialiut, Nunavik,
Nunavut, Labrador Inuit land claims regions); Greenland (all regions); and
Chukotka, Russia (Anadyrskij, Anadyr, Shmidtovs, Beringovskij, Chukotskij, Iujl’tinskij, Bilibinskij, Chaunskij, Providenskij, Uel’Kal’ districts).
The indigenous peoples represented by the data include Inuit in Alaska,
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J. Kruse et al.
Fig. 1 Sample regions
Canada, Greenland and Chukchi, Inuit, Evan, Chuvan, and Yukagir in
Chukotka. Probability sampling procedures were used in each country to
ensure that each adult had a known probability of selection. Results are
weighted to properly reflect these probabilities. Again for reasons of funding, SLiCA’s target population did not include Yupik traditional settlement
regions in Alaska nor the indigenous groups occupying the vast territory
between Russia’s Kola Peninsula and Chukotka. For ease of reference we
refer to SLiCA results as pertaining to Arctic Inuit people; please keep in
mind that technically the results do not include all Arctic Inuit people and
do include Chukotka indigenous peoples other than Inuit.
Response rates exceeded 80 percent in all regions (see Table 1). We did
observe a bias in favor of female respondents that we addressed as a final
sampling weight.
Results for Arctic indigenous settlement regions as a whole are subject to
a maximum estimated sampling error of plus or minus one percentage point.
Regional comparisons have sampling errors of one to four percentage points.
Breakdowns for subpopulations and more refined geography are subject to
larger sampling errors.
Interviews were conducted face-to-face. Statistics Canada was responsible for field work and data processing in Canada. The average interview
length was 60 min in Canada (using a shorter questionnaire) and 90 min elsewhere. Interview data for Alaska, Greenland, and Chukotka were separately
coded and processed using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences
Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic
111
Table 1 Sample Summary
Indigenous
settlement
region
Northern
Alaska
Chukotka
Canada
Greenland
Indigenous
Settlement
Regions
Indigenous
adults
Sample size
Response
rate (%)
Maximum estimated
sampling error (plus
or minus %s)
11,000
14,000
22,000
36,000
83,000
700
600
4,700
1,250
7,250
84
85
83
83
83
4
4
1
3
1
(SPSS). Due to the involvement of Statistics Canada, Canadian data is subject to the Canadian Privacy Act. Application of the provisions of this act
requires the research team to merge the Canadian data with that of the other
three regions within secure analysis laboratories in Canada.
The 90 min interviews produced 950 variables per respondent. Thus one
observation record in the raw data file consists of 950 variables and there are
7,200 observations. A combination of scheduling differences and length of
interview resulted in a more limited Canadian data set. The 950 variables in
the international data set were used to produce 398 analytic variables. The
Canadian data set includes 129 of these 398 analytic variables. We therefore
report some results without Canadian comparisons.
An important analytic feature of the data file is that it is possible to test
hypotheses about relationships among variables. We may hypothesize that
income is related to education, for example. We can use the observed level
of covariation between income and education to test the null hypothesis
that there is no relationship between education and income. While an observed covariation does not prove that higher education leads to increased
income, it lends support to the hypothesis. Since all the variables in a single observation are linked, it is possible to test multivariate hypotheses as
well.
Overview of the Population
Seventy-six percent of the population represented by SLiCA is Inuit, including all indigenous peoples represented in Canada, Greenland, and Alaska.
Chukchi residing in Chukotka constitute 18 percent of the population represented by SLiCA while Evan, Chuvan, and Yukagir together represent
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J. Kruse et al.
the remaining six percent of the SLiCA population. Throughout this paper
we refer to the combined indigenous population represented by SLiCA as
Inuit adults.
One-in-two households have a school age child in the household while
one-in-three households have a person 60 or over living there. Almost threein-four households (73 percent) have four or fewer members. Only13 percent
of households overall have six or more members, although more than a third
of Alaska I˜nupiat settlement region households (37 percent) have at least six
members.
International Analysis Themes
SLiCA’s indigenous partners developed five analysis themes. The idea behind all the themes is that many people making decisions that affect living conditions in the Arctic have misperceptions about life in the Arctic.
SLiCA partners asked analysis questions directed toward the goal of increasing understanding about ways of life in Arctic communities. The analysis
themes are:
r
r
r
r
r
The importance of a mixed cash- and harvest/herding- based economy to
living in the Arctic.
The importance of social relationships and the standard of living to settlement patterns
Relationships between social problems and other dimensions of living
conditions
The influence of educators and missionaries
The influence of policies on living conditions
The Importance of a Mixed Economy to Living in the Arctic
Four decades ago, as wage work rapidly became more common in the
north, scientists and policy makers assumed that indigenous people would
take advantage of opportunities to participate in the cash economy, abandoning harvest and traditional food processing activities (Graburn 1969;
Applebaum 1984; Usher and Wenzel 1987). In 1987 Wolfe and Walker
advanced the concept of a mixed economy to describe an economy based
on both wage employment and hunting, fishing, and gathering (Wolfe and
Walker 1987). In a paper describing the conceptual development of measures
of a mixed economy, Usher and his colleagues note that there is a substantial
literature documenting the prevalence of mixed economies in the north, but
Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic
113
that the literature consists largely of case studies involving no more than a
few communities (Usher et al 2003:197). SLiCA provides an opportunity
to examine the prevalence of the concept of a mixed economy on a broad
geographic scale.
The structure of the mixed economy differs by country. In Alaska, most
products of hunting, fishing, and gathering do not enter the market economy.
Rather, subsistence products are directly consumed by the harvesting household, given away, or exchanged. Cash plays an important role in the Alaska
mixed economy however. Money buys snow machines, gas, and ammunition. The time spent in wage work may conflict with time that otherwise
would be spent harvesting subsistence resources. In Greenland, in contrast,
licensed professional hunters account for a large portion of the harvest of
traditional foods. Households purchase these products in local open-air markets or processed in supermarkets. Greenlandic households are, with some
restrictions, also allowed to hunt and fish for the consumption of their own
household. Despite differences in the structure of the mixed economy, there
are measures of the extent to which the components of a mixed economy are
present in the Arctic.
We measure the cash generating component primarily with measures of
employment and income. We measure the subsistence component primarily
with measures of harvesting, herding, gathering, and processing activities,
and with measures of the amount of traditional foods harvested and consumed. With these measures we can examine the extent to which households
and individuals participate in the mixed economy.
Starting at the individual level, Table 2 shows the percentage of indigenous adults participating in 25 different hunting, herding, gathering, processing, or indigenous art activities in a twelve month period. The mean
number of activities per adult (excluding Canada) is 7.3. The differences
between countries are significant but not large. Hunting, herding, gathering,
processing, or indigenous art activities constitute part of the lives of the vast
majority of Arctic Inuit people.
At least six out of ten Inuit adults have worked in the reference week
(the week prior to the interview). Table 3 also shows that 81 percent of Inuit
adults worked for pay at least part of the year. Most Arctic Inuit participate
in the wage economy.
To get an idea of the extent to which individuals participate in the mixed
economy, we can compare the mean number of hunting, herding, gathering,
processing, or indigenous art activities by wage work status (see Table 4).
With the exception of Chukotka, indigenous adults who worked for pay in
the last year participated in as many subsistence activities as those adults
who did not work, but who are able to do so.
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J. Kruse et al.
Table 2 Participation in Subsistence Activities by Country
Fish in last 12 months
Pick berries in last 12
months
Preserve meat or fish in
last 12 months
Prepare or pack for
hunting, fishing,
camping trip
Make and repair
equipment or do
household repairs
Maintain a household
camp
Gather greens, roots or
other plants in last 12
months
Hunt seal or ugruk in last
12 months
Hunt waterfowl in last 12
months
Hunt caribou, moose or
sheep in last 12 months
Hunt sea mammals
Help whaling crews by
cooking, giving money
or supplies, cutting
meat in last 12 months
Gather eggs in last 12
months
Make sleds or boats in last
12 months
Skinned and butchered a
caribou in last 12
months
Manufacturer Native
crafts for own use
Sew skins, make parkas
and kamiks in last 12
months
Member of whaling crew
or herded reindeer in
last 12 months
Hunt walrus in last 12
months
Canada
Greenland
Chukotka
Northern
Alaska
Total
∗
69%
69%
71%
88%
73%
77%
70%
74%
71%
∗
55%
86%
74%
67%
73%
44%
84%
71%
63%
48%
73%
64%
51%
62%
∗
40%
92%
46%
56%
∗
∗
45%
53%
48%
∗
∗
42%
43%
59%
40%
26%
44%
43%
∗
35%
21%
53%
34%
43%
∗
∗
∗
6%
29%
33%
31%
30%
∗
19%
31%
40%
26%
∗
17%
43%
23%
25%
∗
∗
44%
53%
25%
∗
20%
26%
37%
24%
∗
17%
37%
24%
24%
∗
∗
14%
30%
21%
∗
∗
21%
21%
Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic
115
Table 2 (continued)
Make native handicrafts in
last 12 months
Sold meat fish or berries
Manufacturer Native
crafts for sale
Trap in last 12 months
Growing crops
Estimated Total
Mean number of seven
subsistence activities in
common with Canada:
Mean number of 25
subsistence activities:
ANOVA p = 0.000
∗
Canada
Greenland
Chukotka
Northern
Alaska
Total
∗
12%
15%
36%
17%
∗
10%
7%
23%
12%
7%
23%
13%
13%
15%
6%
17,527
3.2
11%
22,090
2.7
4%
7%
35,240
2.8
10,547
3.5
9%
7%
85,404
3.0
∗
6.5
7.9
8.9
7.3
18%
11%
∗
∗
Data not available.
Table 3 Summary of work status by country
Canada
Greenland
Chukotka
Northern
Alaska
Total
Worked last week
Worked full time
in last year but
not in last week
Worked part time
in last year but
not in last week
Did not work last
year - probably
unemployed
Not in labor force
due to health,
family
responsibilities,
or in school
65 or older
58%
20%
67%
6%
66%
15%
50%
10%
63%
12%
10%
7%
7%
15%
8%
6%
6%
6%
8%
6%
0%
4%
3%
3%
3%
6%
100%
9%
100%
3%
100%
14%
100%
8%
100%
Estimated total
Chi Square
p = 0.000
18,100
37,391
19,042
10,787
85,320
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J. Kruse et al.
Table 4 Mean number of subsistence activities by wage work status
Worked last week
Worked full time
in last year but
not in last week
Worked part time
in last year but
not in last week
Did not work last
year – probably
unemployed
Not in labor force
due to health or
family
responsibilities
65 or older
Estimated Total
ANOVA
p = 0.000
∗
Canada
Greenland
Chukotka
Northern
Alaska
Total
2.9
2.9
3.0
3.2
3.1
3.7
3.8
3.5
3.1
3.3
2.6
2.7
2.8
3.5
2.9
2.7
2.4
3.2
2.9
2.7
∗
2.1
1.8
2.8
2.2
2.5
2.0
2.2
2.1
1.0
22,100
37,392
16,255
10,786
86,533
Data not available.
A similar lack of relationship between wage work and subsistence activities can be seen by comparing total personal income3 with the number of
subsistence activities (see Fig. 2).
Looking at the perceived share of meat and fish consumed by the household that is traditional food there is again no evidence of a relationship between subsistence and income (see Fig. 3, p = 0.02).
4.0
3.5
3.0
2.5
2.0
1.5
1.0
0.5
0.0
$5000 or under
$5001 to $12000 $12001 to $23000 $23001 to $37000
above $37000
Fig. 2 Mean number of subsistence activities by total personal income adjusted for
purchasing power
Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic
117
0.6
0.5
0.4
0.3
0.2
0.1
0
1500 1501 5001 8001 12001 16001 23001 28001 37000 50001 70001 above
or
to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to
to 90000
under 5000 8000 12000 16000 23000 28000 37000 50000 70000 90000
Fig. 3 Percentage adults perceiving that more than half of meat and fish consumed by
household is traditional food by household income, adjusted for purchasing power
One nuance in understanding the role of the mixed economy is differences in stated preferences by gender and nationality. Unfortunately, results
are not available for Canada. Table 5 shows that there are significant differences (note that the question on preferred lifestyle was asked differently in
Greenland, as it included a category: self-employment; though asked, none
Table 5 Lifestyle preference by gender and country
Greenland
Working on a wage job
Harvesting, herding or processing
own food
Self-employment
Chukotka
Working on a wage job
Harvesting, herding or processing
own food
Both
Northern Alaska
Working on a wage job
Harvesting, herding or processing
own food
Both
ChiSq p = 0.000
Male (%)
Female (%)
Total (%)
49
36
66
22
56
30
16
100
12
100
14
100
33
39
45
26
39
32
28
100
29
100
29
100
13
7
18
9
15
8
80
100
73
100
77
100
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J. Kruse et al.
of the Greenlandic Inuit preferred a combination of lifestyles). Women in
Greenland and Chukotka are more likely than men to prefer working on a
wage job over harvesting, herding or processing their own food. Men and
women in Greenland are more likely than their counterparts in Chukotka or
Alaska to prefer wage work. In Alaska, gender differences almost disappear
in the preferences for lifestyle. And for some reason, almost 8 in 10 Alaska
Natives see a combination of working on a wage job and harvesting, herding
or processing their own food as the most attractive lifestyle. We think this
may be because the structure of Alaska’s mixed economy makes it easier and
more rewarding to do both. The North Slope Borough’s policy of granting
subsistence leave is one example. More subtle but perhaps as important is
the respect given to hunters who also have full time jobs.
The Importance of Social Relationships and the Standard
of Living to Settlement Patterns
Settlement patterns vary across the Arctic. Table 6 shows that in Greenland,
most indigenous people (age 15 and above) live in cities (places with populations over 10,000) or towns (places with populations between 1,000 and
7,000). In Chukotka and northern Alaska, most live in villages with populations less than 1,000. In Canada, most indigenous people live in towns. How
does living in a village compare to living in cities and towns?
Table 7 compares villages to towns and cities. Table 7 shows that in all
countries: people who live in villages perform more subsistence activities
and are more likely to be fluent in their native language. In towns and
cities, people have higher levels of formal education, and more likely to
be employed, and report slightly higher levels of social support. People in
communities of all sizes report strong family ties.
Table 6 Arctic settlement patterns
Villages/settlements
Towns
City/Capital
Canada (%)
Greenland∗ (%)
Chukotka (%)
Northern
Alaska (%)
19
81
21
53
26
100
58
26
16
100
68
32
100
∗
100
Greenland normally distinguishes between settlements and towns. Using this definition,
the distribution between settlements and towns (excluding Nuuk) in Greenland would be
18% and 56% respectively.
Number of children
in household
Mean-index of native
language
(max = 20)
Mean - 5 subsistence
activities
% adults with a
vocational or
college education
% of adults with job
past 12 months
Mean-index strength
of family ties
(max = 3)
Mean-index
availability of
social supports
(max = 28)
1.2
15.6
2.3
50%
58%
2.3
23.1
1.6
17.2
2.8
14%
46%
2.3
21.8
21
2.1
58%
19%
3.1
18.4
1.3
Village/
Settlements
Village/
Settlements
Towns &
Cities
Greenland
Canada
22.5
2
77%
54%
2.7
17.7
0.9
Towns &
Cities
18.7
2
71%
39%
3.3
13.7
1.3
Village/
Settlements
Chukotka
Table 7 Summary comparisons of Villages, Towns, and Cities
17.5
1.9
76%
50%
2.7
12.5
1.1
Towns &
Cities
20.8
2.2
70%
19%
3.5
11.2
2
Village/
Settlements
Northern Alaska
22.5
2.3
79%
34%
2.9
10
1.6
Towns &
Cities
Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic
119
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J. Kruse et al.
Table 8 Considered moving in last five years by place size & country
Canada
Greenland
Chukotka
Northern Alaska
Towns &
Cities (%)
Villages,
settlements (%)
Total (%)
31
35
28
49
28
38
30
38
29
36
29
42
Before we started the project people were asking, ‘Why do people continue to remain in communities with poor housing conditions and a low
material standard of living’? Our data show that most people (68 percent)
are satisfied or very satisfied with the quality of life in their community,
and when we asked people if over the past five years they had considered
moving away from their community, about two thirds replied that they had
not considered moving. Most people want to stay in their communities, but
there are differences among countries. Inuit people in northern Canada are
the least likely to want to move away (29 percent). In Greenland 36 percent
have considered moving, Chukotka, 29 percent, and in northern Alaska 42
percent. Table 8 shows that Alaska Inuit who live in cities and towns are
more likely to want to move than people who live in villages; in other countries there is very little difference.
Our data show that material living conditions are important for settlement
patterns. They also show that family ties and social support are important
for understanding why people live where they do. We asked people why
they moved to their community and why they remain in their community.
People who want to move out of villages say they want to move for a job,
or children’s education4 . People wanting to move out of towns report that
they want to move because of the high cost of living (perhaps indicating
they want to move to a big city), or to be near family (possibly indicating they want to move to a village). More than any other reason, people
say they stay in their communities because of family. This is especially
true in villages. In regional centers, people also cite jobs as a reason for
staying.
Relationships Between Social Problems and Other
Dimensions of Living Conditions
Our Native partners recognize that social problems like suicide are more
pronounced in the north. They also feel that public discussion of these problems is often negative. They encouraged the research team to look at social
Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic
121
Table 9 Percentage of adults perceiving of social problems for indigenous people in
their community
Canada
Greenland
Chukotka
Alaska
Total
Unemployment
Alcohol abuse
Suicide
Drug abuse
Family violence
Sexual abuse
87%
78%
70%
79%
69%
60%
84%
79%
67%
68%
63%
58%
100%
100%
97%
72%
91%
87%
83%
84%
60%
71%
50%
34%
88%
84%
74%
72%
69%
62%
Estimated Total
16,870
37,026
20,456
10,393
84,745
problems in the context of other living conditions. We started by verifying
what indigenous peoples see as social problems facing their community.
With one exception, half or more of indigenous adults in the sampled regions
of Alaska, Canada, Chukotka and all of Greenland see unemployment, alcohol abuse, drug abuse suicide, family violence, and sexual abuse as social
problems (see Table 9).
Social problems are usually publicly recognized aggregates of individual
problems.
The individual problems SLiCA measures include: thoughts of suicide,
depression, victimization, and alcohol and drug abuse. Here we focus on the
relationship of suicide and depression to other living conditions. As Table 10
shows, eight percent of indigenous adults considered suicide in the last year,
with little variation by country. Using a five item scale predicting likelihood
of being seriously depressed (Berwick et al 1991), 13 percent of Inuit adults
are likely depressed. There is a large variation by country, with 29 percent
of Chukotka indigenous adults likely depressed compared with six percent
of Canadian Inuit adults.
It is important to keep in mind that our measure of depression is not a
clinical diagnosis and, while the questions making up the scale were asked
during a self-administered portion of the interview and sealed by the respondent in an envelope before given the completed form back to the interviewer,
Table 10 Percentage of adults experiencing individual problems
Most likely depressed
Considered suicide in
last year
Estimated Total
∗
Data not available.
Canada
Greenland
Chukotka
Alaska
Total
∗
6%
13%
8%
20%
6%
8%
6%
12%
7%
19,550
37,401
14,790
9,309
81,050
122
J. Kruse et al.
the setting in which the questions were applied was not a clinical setting. In
part to validate the measure of depression, we can test for its relationship
to thoughts of suicide. Inuit adults who score as likely being depressed are
more than twice as likely as other Inuit adults to have considered suicide
in the last year (15 percent versus 6 percent, excluding Canada where the
question on thoughts of suicide was not asked).
To place the individual problems of depression and suicide in the context of other living conditions, we first want to test whether depression and
satisfaction with life as a whole are related. If so, then examining key relationships with well-being may suggest ways to influence the likelihood
of depression, and in turn thoughts of suicide. Forty-three percent of Inuit
adults who are satisfied with their life as a whole are least likely depressed
compared with ten percent of Inuit adults who are dissatisfied with their life
as a whole (see Table 11).
We of course cannot prove that increasing well-being will reduce the likelihood of depression, but the data support this as a working hypothesis. What
else is related to the likelihood of depression? We tested hypotheses that
social support, alcohol problems in the home, self-rated overall health, and
being a victim of assault are related to the likelihood of being depressed.
Inuit adults with higher levels of social support (e.g. frequent access to people they can count on for advice) and who do not have alcohol problems in
their home are significantly less likely to be depressed. Together, life satisfaction, alcohol problems in the home and health explain four percent of the
variation in depression scores, with life satisfaction and health being most
important.
We then hypothesized that people who are more active in productive activities are more likely to be satisfied with their lives as a whole. The choice
Table 11 Likelihood of being depressed by satisfaction with life as a whole∗
Most likely depressed
(score 1–14)
(score 15–19)
(score 20–25)
Least likely depressed
(score 26–30)
ChiSq p = 0.000
Dissatisfied
(%)
Neither satisfied
nor dissatisfied (%)
Satisfied
(%)
11
26
53
6
23
40
7
20
30
10
100
31
100
43
100
Data based on Alaska and Greenland (scale constructed according to Berwick and
Donald 1991)
Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic
123
of focusing on productive activities is predicated on the idea that there are
ways to help people become more productive. Inuit adults who receive a
poverty level personal income (60 percent or less of the median income in
their indigenous settlement region) are less likely to be very satisfied with
their life as a whole than adults who receive higher personal incomes (32
versus 43 percent)5 . But at higher levels of personal income, the level of
income is not always associated with higher likelihood of being very satisfied with life as a whole. We also found that people who work full time
during at least part of the year are more likely to be very satisfied with life
as a whole as people who were likely unemployed (35 versus 18 percent).
Those who are more active in subsistence are also more likely to be satisfied
with life as a whole. Forty-four percent of the most active in subsistence
(12–22 activities) are very satisfied with their life as a whole compared with
30 percent of the least active (0–2 activities).
We tested the combined explanatory power of personal income, subsistence activities along with satisfaction with the combination of productive
activities. Each variable significantly contributes to the explanation of variation in life satisfaction. We then tested two additional variables: satisfaction
with the amount of fish and game available locally, and satisfaction with
the number of job opportunities in the community. These each added their
own contribution to explaining life satisfaction, tripling the percentage of
variation explained from six to 18 percent. Finally, we hypothesized that the
sense of local control is important to well-being and subject to policy intervention. Adding an index of influence based on three questions concerning
satisfaction with the influence of indigenous people over the management of
natural resources and local environmental problems modestly increases our
ability to explain life satisfaction.
Our model explaining overall life satisfaction could be considerably more
complete by taking into account other factors such as health, education,
transportation, and recreation services, and housing. The point to be made
here is that productive activities, the presence of production opportunities
(i.e. fish and game, jobs), and a sense of local control are associated with
satisfaction with life as a whole. How might we foster improvements in
these factors and ultimately hope to reduce the incidence of depression and
thoughts of suicide?
Not surprisingly, a good way to improve cash production is formal education. Inuit adults with a high school degree earn on average 49 percent more
than Inuit who did not complete high school. Inuit completing a college
education earn on average 47 percent more than Inuit with a high school
education. Perhaps it should not be a surprise either that the same relationship works in subsistence. The number of traditional skills learned as a child
124
J. Kruse et al.
Table 12 Satisfaction with influence over the management of natural resources like fish,
game, petroleum and mining, and over reduction of local environmental problems
very satisfied
somewhat satisfied
neither satisfied
nor dissatisfied
somewhat
dissatisfied
very dissatisfied
Greenland North
Slope
Northwest
Arctic
Bering
Straits
Chukotka Total
1%
27%
38%
22%
44%
21%
12%
39%
29%
9%
26%
33%
1%
3%
13%
3%
23%
30%
20%
11%
15%
22%
35%
23%
15%
100%
2%
100%
5%
100%
10%
100%
48%
100%
22%
100%
(Scale based on three items)
explains 29 percent of the variation in the number of subsistence activities
pursued in the last year. Both formal and traditional education contribute to
production activities that in turn contribute to overall well-being.
How do we increase the sense of local control? SLiCA results are provocative in this regard. We hypothesized that greater regional autonomy is related
to a greater sense of local control. We ordered SLiCA study regions based
on our own judgment of relative autonomy, listing Greenland at the top
and Chukotka at the bottom. We ordered the three Alaska I˜nupiat settlement regions based on access to economic resources from the North Slope
first, Northwest Arctic second, and Bering Straits region third. We do not
have SLiCA results from Canada on perceived influence. Our hypothesis
is supported by the data shown in Table 12 with the striking exception
of Greenland. The North Slope of Alaska appears to be a success story;
the I˜nupiat there were successful in forming a regional government funded
through taxation of petroleum facilities. They have effectively used their
access to economic resources to influence such bodies as the International
Whaling Commission and to manage development. The Greenland results
invite discussion but it seems obvious that there was change in the political
discourse6 since the introduction of Home Rule Government in 1979 towards a common vision of an independent Greenland through the expansion
of self-governance. This discourse has focused on political domains lacking
influence.
The Influence of Educators and Missionaries
During the pretest phase of SLiCA the international team discovered a
remarkable similarity in the stories told by Saami in Norway, I˜nupiat in
Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic
125
Table 13 Percent attending at least part of schooling outside community by country
Canada
Greenland
Chukotka
Alaska
Total
Elementary
School
High School
1%
48%
35%
28%
31%
1%
13%
50%
44%
22%
Estimated Total
ChisSq
p = 0.000
22,320
39,117
20,714
10,898
93,049
Alaska, and Inuit in Canada and Greenland. They talked about having to
leave their community to go to school. In fact, going away to school has
been quite common (see Table 13).
The stories we heard suggested that going away to school was often
stressful. The results regarding elementary school differ by country. About
the same percentage of Greenland Inuit found attending elementary away
from their community stressful as those who attended elementary school at
home (see Table 14). In Chukotka and Alaska, attending elementary school
away from home was substantially more likely to be stressful. But even at
home the experience could be stressful. One Alaska I˜nupiat reported, “There
was a conscious effort to punish students who used I˜nupiaq language and a
conscious effort to separate students from parents. We had a black board in
a class of 4th, 5th, and 6th graders. If one child spoke I˜nupiaq, the teacher
Table 14 Adults with stressful experiences in elementary and/or high school
Greenland
Chukotka
Alaska
Chukotka
Alaska
Elementary school
stressful
Elementary school
stressful
Elementary school
stressful
High school stressful
High school stressful
Attended at least part
of elementary school
away from
community
Attended
elementary
school at home
Total
25%
21%
23%
69%
28%
40%
39%
15%
22%
Attended at least part
of high school
away from
community
39%
34%
Attended high
school at
home
Total
31%
21%
36%
28%
Chi Sq p = 0.000 except Greenland, P = 0.02.
126
J. Kruse et al.
would put on the wall a bull’s-eye and all the students would be forced to
stare at the center for 30 min to 2 h.”
We don’t have data from Greenland regarding stress in high school. The
differences in Chukotka and Alaska of being away in high school are less
than that for elementary school, but still exist. Stress can come at home
as well as away from home. One Alaska I˜nupiat told us, “You know what
formed in high school, the different cliques, the different groups - the cheerleaders, the smart ones, the losers. I had friends who were higher status and
friends who were losers. I struggled with this with my son. He hates school.
My husband wants him to go elsewhere. I wish I had the opportunity. So
we’re leaning toward Mt. Edgecombe [a boarding school]. It’s stressful and
something I have to deal with through my son.”
Another aspect of education important to Arctic indigenous peoples is
the integration of their culture with the educational system. The level of
integration has changed markedly within living memory. It also differs substantially by country. In Greenland, for example, since at least the early 20th
century some of the teachers or teachers’ aides have been Greenlanders, the
Greenlandic language has been taught in schools, and subjects have been
taught in Greenlandic (see Table 15). Most Greenland Inuit were taught
about Greenlandic culture and history, although less than half of Greenland
Inuit think what they were taught was usually accurate.
In both Chukotka and Alaska, the presence of indigenous teachers or
teacher’s aides in elementary or high school classes has increased over the
lifetimes of the oldest residents, as has indigenous language instruction and
coursework in indigenous culture and history. About a third of Chukotka
indigenous people and two-thirds of Alaska Inuit think that what they were
taught about indigenous culture and history was usually accurate. Overall,
the integration of indigenous culture in the Arctic education system has substantially improved, but there is apparently a long way to go, particularly
in meeting Inuit standards for the accuracy of information about their own
culture and history.
Another story to be told is about the effects of missionaries in the Arctic. It is a complicated story and mostly must wait for further coding of
open-ended responses and analysis. We can begin by stating that virtually
all Greenlandic Inuit consider themselves to be Christians, as do eight in
ten Alaska Inuit and one-in-two Chukotka indigenous adults. At the same
time three-in-four Alaska and Chukotka indigenous adults and one-in-two
Greenland Inuit think that indigenous beliefs are part of their life. Put another way, one-in-two Arctic Inuit consider themselves a Christian and think
that indigenous beliefs are part of their life.
People bring a lifetime of experience to the question of the effects of organized religion on their community. Some focus on the early negative effects:
Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic
127
Table 15 Indigenous culture in education by age and Country
15/16–24
25–34
35–44
45–54
55 and over
All adults
Some teachers or teachers aides indigenous in elementary or high school
Canada
83%
83%
63%
27%
38%
Greenland
100%
98%
98%
100%
99%
Chukotka
98%
86%
90%
54%
68%
Alaska
94%
92%
72%
57%
46%
66%
99%
81%
72%
Taught indigenous language in elementary or high school
Canada
83%
83%
63%
27%
Greenland
100%
99%
96%
99%
Chukotka
91%
79%
70%
50%
Alaska
91%
95%
56%
18%
67%
98%
69%
52%
41%
99%
57%
6%
Taught some subjects in indigenous language in elementary or high school
Canada
82%
83%
62%
25%
36%
Greenland
100%
96%
96%
99%
99%
Chukotka
19%
7%
3%
6%
17%
Alaska
80%
79%
54%
19%
19%
66%
98%
8%
50%
Taught about indigenous culture and history in elementary or high school
Canada
83%
83%
63%
29%
41%
Greenland
86%
90%
92%
91%
79%
Chukotka
60%
18%
14%
17%
12%
Alaska
90%
88%
63%
28%
17%
67%
88%
22%
57%
Information taught about indigenous culture and history usually accurate
Canada
65%
70%
67%
55%
58%
Greenland
18%
32%
37%
40%
52%
Chukotka
36%
5%
29%
31%
39%
Alaska
58%
77%
64%
61%
80%
Estimated Total 10,153
10,576 13,234 9,920
6,791
66%
37%
27%
66%
50,674
“It’s had a devastating effect. It purposely robbed people of their rights to traditional spiritual practices.” Others remember the difficult time during which
missionaries arrived: “This village was established with a church. Everybody came here starving. [The Bureau of Indian Affairs] provided Quakers
to ‘straighten’ them out. People came here to get saved.” Still others bring
a more current focus. Here are two examples of answers to the question of
effects of organized religion on the community: (1) “When you go to church
- if you’re ill you go to a doctor - for your spirit you go to church. For your
inner peace and calmness to tackle the world church gives you assurance
that you can make it in the world.”; and, (2) “Some good and some bad.
The good is that it gives people that inner belief. The bad is that the church
often dictates what’s good for the community, what the community can and
can’t do.”
128
J. Kruse et al.
The Influence of Policies on Living Conditions
SLiCA results gain meaning in the context of decision making. Local villages face decisions about what is taught in their community schools, or how
to handle teens troubled by thoughts of suicide. Regional institutions face
decisions on how to design employment and housing programs. National
institutions face decisions about making major investments in community
infrastructure. International bodies like the Arctic Council face decisions
about how to promote sustainable development. SLiCA results obviously
don’t identify the best decisions to make; they can, however, inform decision
making. One way in which SLiCA results can inform decision making is by
broadening comparisons. Only 8 percent of Canadian Inuit have been diagnosed with high blood pressure, for example, in comparison to 27 percent
of Alaska Inuit. Apartment living is common in Greenland and Chukotka
(19 percent and 14 percent of homes respectively are multiple family buildings). Yet 59 percent of Greenland Inuit living in multiple family dwellings
feel drafts from doors and windows compared with 74 percent of Chukotka
indigenous people.
Larissa Abryutina of the Russian Association for Indigenous Peoples of
the North initiated an analysis of health indicators relevant to decision makers. She found that Chukotka Indigenous people are more than twice as
likely as Arctic Indigenous in Greenland or Alaska to have three or more
symptoms of health problems. Chukotka indigenous people are five times
less likely to have a doctor or other medical professional in their community.
They consume less meat and fish that is traditional food. Diet and health are
related. Chukotka Indigenous adults who eat less traditional food are more
likely to have three or more diagnosed health conditions as those whose
traditional food constitutes more than half the meat and fish they eat.
Arctic Human Development Report (AHDR) – an Arctic Council supported project concludes on gender violence that “There is a need to analyse
men’s changing roles in society and how this affects social problems such
as suicide and violence towards others. Violence against women has been
identified as a significant problem in the Arctic and has been attributed in
part to male loss of identity and self-worth, societal tension as well as issues
of power and control” (AHDR 2004).
As a part of her PhD study Mariekathrine Poppel is including some of the
questions related to violence:
r
r
r
Violence as a problem in local community
Whether the respondent has been a victim to sexual assault or other assault.
Assault includes domestic violence as well as violence outside respondents’ home (e.g. street, restaurant etc.)
Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic
129
The SLiCA findings (see Table 9) seem to give a clear answer to the
question whether violence is a concern in the Arctic as more than two out
of three Inuit perceive violence is a problem in the local community – the
highest percentage among Inuit in Chukotka and the lowest in Alaska. When
all Inuit are considered, 20% more women than men find that violence is a
problem.
Violence is often related to alcohol abuse, and it is common to see alcohol
as the main reason for violence including domestic violence (see Table 16).
Table 16 does not tell us about causal relationships but it shows that persons with alcohol or drug problems in their home more often are victims of
assaults (other than sexual assaults) than persons without these problems:
roughly twice as often in Greenland and Chukotka and three times as often
in Alaska.
Furthermore, and still without claiming causality: to investigate if there
might be support for a hypothesis of social heredity when it comes to alcohol related problems, the relationship between having faced alcohol and
drug problems at home today and in childhood has been examined. A preliminary finding is that among the people facing alcohol problems in their
home today the group that experienced alcohol problems in their home as a
child compared to the ones that did not is three times higher in Greenland,
nine times higher in Chukotka and 21/2 times higher in Alaska.
Another topic to be further researched is whether violence is related to
income. The first tests show that distributing the victims of assault among the
households by income there seem to be a decreasing percentage of victims
with increasing income (only the lowest income group does not fit into this
pattern).
Table 16 Problems with alcohol or drugs in home today and victims of (other than
sexual) assaults during last 12 months – Inuit in Greenland and Alaska age 15 and
above
Victim of another
type of assault during past 12 months
Problems with alcohol or drugs in home today
No (%)
Yes (%)
Total (%)
Greenland
yes
no
8
92
100
14
86
100
9
91
100
Chukotka
yes
no
10
90
100
21
79
100
15
85
100
Alaska
yes
no
Total
3
97
100
16
84
100
8
92
100
130
J. Kruse et al.
Larissa Abryutina’s and Mariekathrine Poppel’s work illustrates the potential relevance of SLiCA results to informed policy decision making.
Much more work remains to be done by other researchers. To support this
effort, the SLiCA research team is collaborating with the Institute for Social Research at the University of Michigan and Computer-assisted Survey
Methods Program (CSM) at the University of California, Berkeley to develop a means by which the highly dispersed Arctic policy community can
access and analyze SLiCA microdata via the web without risking inadvertent
disclosure of respondent identity.
Lessons Learned About the Process of International
& Indigenous Collaboration
SLiCA is obviously not the first international, comparative survey of living conditions. Many others, such as the European Values Study7 , the
Eurobarometer8 , and the European Social Survey9 have had to confront the
challenges of maintaining a consistent meaning across languages, trading
off quality of measurement against response burden, and raising the necessary funds. What may be distinct about SLiCA is its intent that a multidisciplinary group of social scientists and indigenous people work together
to redefine and measure living conditions in a region spanning 30 degrees of
latitude around the globe. What was the process and how did it work?
Prior to SLiCA the research team was aware that the checkered history of
social science research among indigenous peoples of the North had caused
indigenous people to question the benefits of research. Indigenous people
and the research team also recognized the unequal distribution of power
between researchers who came with money and expertise and indigenous
people who possess an in-depth traditional and local knowledge of their
environment not easily expressed in the world of science. National teams
tried to compensate for this imbalance by forming indigenous steering committees. In Alaska, for example, the team invited indigenous representatives
from I˜nupiat regional organizations to come together and decide if the proposed research could be structured to benefit indigenous peoples. Their affirmative answer was predicated on the research team’s commitment to give
the indigenous steering committee, the Alaska Native Management Board,
the final say on the questionnaire and an opportunity to comment on draft
publications resulting from the study.
The researchers initially underestimated the potential contribution of
our indigenous partners. They began with the idea that the research team
would bring completed work products (e.g. a pretest questionnaire) to the
indigenous steering committee for discussion and approval. The research
Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic
131
team developed these initial work products in workshops based on the
preparatory work of the national/regional steering committees without direct
indigenous participation. Soon, however, our indigenous partners challenged
the research team to directly involve indigenous representatives in the workshops. This proved to be an outstanding success. Not only did the indigenous
representatives add a valuable perspective based on their traditional knowledge and on-the-ground experience; they also were able to step back from
the, at times, arcane academic discussions and bring the entire group back
to a productive focus.
The direction received by the indigenous steering committees improved
the science and focused the study on questions intended to benefit the wellbeing of indigenous Arctic peoples. When the team explained the collaboration to outsiders, some voiced fears that the indigenous steering committees
would hijack the science for other purposes. On the contrary, our indigenous
partners were as motivated as the research team to produce high quality
results.
How well did the anthropologists, economists, political scientists, sociologists, ethnographers, and geographers work together? Perhaps most telling
was a decision taken at the first, joint international meeting held in Slagelse,
Denmark. The disciplinary makeup of national teams differed. We could
either try, at great expense, to duplicate expertise in each national team, or
we could trust that we could work as an international team. Despite the
fact that many of us were just becoming acquainted, we decided on the
latter approach. This collaboration across disciplines and countries proved
to strengthen the study as a whole, causing members to bring their expertise
to bear in new environments. Seeing first hand how such things as the organization of labor (e.g. whaling crews, reindeer herders) and sample frames
differed between countries helped the team to identify potential problems
that could threaten the validity of the study as a whole. In short, transcending
national team thinking greatly benefited the study as a whole.
The Statistics Greenland team decided to invite Statistics Canada’s Special Surveys Division to prepare a feasibility study for the Canadian component of the study (Statistics Canada 1998). Stat Can methodologists worked
with research team members from other countries to build a common understanding of underlying assumptions and associated costs. As a result,
national research designs converged to a much more realistic approach than
initially envisioned.
Where we failed to transcend national thinking was in the area of funding.
The Greenland team was successful in securing support for international
team workshops from the Nordic Council of Ministers. This support was
absolutely critical. The international team decided that primary funding for
132
J. Kruse et al.
each country’s contribution to questionnaire development, fieldwork, analysis, and publication would come from national funding sources. We did not
pay sufficient attention to differences in national funding priorities, nor did
we help each other enough in the development of national proposals. There
was no international science plan that could serve as a guide to national
review panels.
Differences in funding success by country produced differences in schedule that in turn increased study costs and affected the comparability of results. In Canada, our indigenous partners suggested that SLiCA could be
implemented in conjunction with Statistics Canada’s Aboriginal People’s
Survey (APS). Stat Can agreed, and ultimately contributed three million dollars US to the Canadian component of SLiCA in in-kind research support.
Stat Can worked with SLiCA researchers and indigenous peoples’ representatives to design APS questionnaire components. Unfortunately, the schedule for APS preceded funding of SLiCA in many countries and therefore
completion of the SLiCA international core questionnaire. As a result of
schedule differences and tradeoffs Stat Can had to make between comparability with SLiCA and other APS objectives, only about a third of the SLiCA
international core measures are contained in APS. Recoding of APS data to
fit the international data set also proved to be a major task, involving over
6,000 lines of computer code and hundreds of hours of labor. The lesson
here is not to avoid piggybacking one survey on another, but rather to take
into account all the costs. We cannot reliably predict what different decisions
we would have made. Perhaps, though, knowledge of the costs would have
expedited the team’s decisions on the content of the core questionnaire.
Perhaps the biggest lesson was the length of time it took for questionnaire
development: three years. Had all countries had their funding in place at
the onset of questionnaire development, we doubtless could have accelerated the questionnaire process. But there was also a good reason for such
a protracted questionnaire development effort. At our first meeting our anthropologist team members were extremely skeptical that structured questions could produce valid measures of such concepts as cultural identity or
even herding and harvesting production systems. Had the team members
sharing a more quantitative bent pushed ahead without extended discussions
and pretesting, we probably would have lost a sense of common ownership
of the study approach. As it was, the major compromise took the form of
an intent to complement the structured interviews with in-depth qualitative
studies. Huge difficulties in obtaining funding for the structured interview
component displaced this commitment to become a future research priority.
Nevertheless, the SLiCA questionnaire evolved to a form that reflected the
multi-disciplinary makeup of the team and of direct indigenous involvement.
Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic
133
While far from perfect, the questionnaire reflects the study’s intent to measure living conditions in a way relevant to Arctic indigenous peoples.
SLiCA: Where Next?
In March 2007 the international team conducted an international workshop
to discuss SLICA results and to announce a comprehensive release of results
(see www.arcticlivingconditions.org). SLICA results are now being used by
the international research community and Arctic indigenous representatives
to help design an Arctic Social Indicators system under the auspices of the
Arctic Council.
Notes
1. www.arcticlivingconditions.org
2. In Greenland and Canada
3. Personal incomes are adjusted for purchasing power using national PPP figures. In general
Arctic regions have lower purchasing power than the nation of which they are a part. The
major effect of adjusting for purchasing power is to increase Chukotka Russia incomes by
a factor of almost five.
4. The dataset contains responses for Chukotka, northern Alaska and Canada.
5. It should be noted though, and this is to be further investigated, that there might be regional variation in how satisfied people should be to rate themselves “very satisfied”. A
hypothesis is that the inclination to use the Greenlandic word for “very” might be smaller
than using “very” in English.
6. In 2003 a Commission on Self-Governance presented a report re-evaluating Greenland’s
position within the Danish Realm. Following this report a joint Danish-Greenlandic Commission on Self-Governance was established to propose further development on the jurisdiction of the Greenland Home Rule.
7. See www.gesis.org/eurobarometer
8. www.europeansocialsurvey.org
9. www.europeanvalues.nl
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| File Type | application/pdf |
| File Modified | 2008-09-15 |
| File Created | 2008-09-15 |